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Saturday, February 28, 2009

Cameroon: “Secessionists” gaining grounds as Biya procrastinates

By Christopher Ambe Shu

The Cameroon government has since the formation in 1994 of Southern Cameroons National Council, SCNC-a political pressure group, been harassing, molesting, arresting, prosecuting and allegedly persecuting members and sympathisers of this group.

President Paul Biya(pictured), who has ruled Cameroon for over 26 years and his regime describe the SCNC as “illegal and secessionist.”
But many pundits and human rights campaigners think the grievances of the SCNC are genuine, begging for corrective action

Last Monday over 25 more SCNC members were arrested by the Biya administration on claims that they were holding an illegal meeting and "threatening public order".

According to REUTERS, “The SCNC said the activists were arrested in Tiko, 50 km (30 miles) west of the southern city of Douala, where they went to support a colleague standing trial for holding an illegal meeting last October.

"The trial was adjourned and the leaders retired for a meal ... when they were surrounded by 14 (soldiers from) occupation forces and arrested," the group said in a press release.”

The SCNC is fighting, using “The Force of Argument, Not the Argument of Force” which is its motto, for the restoration of the independence of Southern Cameroons’- the portion of Cameroonian territory inhabited by English –Speaking citizens, commonly called Anglophones

In other words the SCNC, under the leadership of Chief Ayamba Otun(pictured below) is fighting against what they refer to as the gross marginalisation in appointments in top public offices and administration, army as well as in infrastructure development of the minority English-speaking Cameroonians by their majority French-speaking compatriots, called Francophones.

In deed, Anglophones feel they are treated as a conquered people in Cameroon; that they are discriminated against in almost of facets of national life. They cry aloud that they are not given their fair share of the “national cake”. But the Biya regime seems to have been giving them a deaf ear.

Do you still believe in the SCNC cause? I asked Cameroonian- born Sam Ekontang Elad, a noted lawyer and pioneer SCNC chairman in an interview recently.
And after reflecting for a few seconds, he retorted, “Any one, who wants human rights, federalism, poverty eradication, democracy, and good governance, will continue believing in the SCNC cause. The cause is a genuine one! I think the validity of what the SCNC stands for remains very much alive”

Going by Lawyer Elad’s argument, one is forced to ask, “Why is Cameroon Government that claims to be an ardent advocate of human rights, democracy, poverty eradication and good governance, prosecuting and, to an extent, persecuting SCNC activists who are claiming to defend the same values like the Government? Why is the Cameroon Government procrastinating instead of attempting a lasting solution to the SCNC problem, which has been internationalised? Why is the Government undermining the strength of this pressure group which could throw the country some day into pieces? Why has the Cameroon government refused to dialogue with this pressure group, whose grievances are legitimate? Whose campaign against the Biya regime is only growing bigger and stronger?

SCNC is today a member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) in The Hague and the attention of the United Nations Organisation, just like power wielders, has repeatedly been drawn to this sensitive problem, which many fear could one day turn into armed conflict, with horrible consequences.

On a visit to Cameroon while in office former UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, advised the Cameroon government to dialogue with the group for the interest of peace, but the Cameroon government took it lightly.
Government officials claimed it was not right talking with an illegal group, thereby neglecting a potentially explosive problem

SCNC officials maintain that the Southern Cameroon’s question is a problem of international law. They recall that Southern Cameroon was a League of Nations mandated territory from 1922 to 1945 and a United Nation Trust Territory from 1945 to 1961.Thus, Southern Cameroons acquired international personality

Southern Cameroon is today the Northwest and Southwest provinces of Cameroon, the only two English-speaking provinces of this Central African country. Cameroon, a ten-province and bilingual country (French and English as official languages), has a population of about 18 million people .The two English provinces have an estimated population of about five million and very rich in natural and human resources.

Cameroon was a German colony but when Germany lost the First World War, it also lost sovereignty over its African colonies which included Cameroon. Cameroon then became a mandated territory under the League of Nations.

“By this arrangement, Cameroon was divided between Britain and France. The Eastern part of the country went to France while the Western part went to Britain. The latter further divided its own territory into two, North and South, ostensibly, for administrative convenience and the northern part, known as Northern Cameroon, was administered as part of Northern Nigeria while Southern Cameroon was administered as part of Eastern Nigeria.”, said Albert Samba Ngwana, political author and chairman of Cardinal Democratic Party,CDP, of Cameroon

It was on 11 February 1961 that Southern Cameroonians voted massively in a UN-supervised plebiscite to become independent by joining the Republic of Cameroon, which had earlier gained independence on January 1, 1960 from France. Southern Cameroons became independent on October 1, 1961 from the British.

The reunification of Southern Cameron and Republic of Cameroon on October 1, 1961 led to the establishment of the Federal Republic of Cameroon. In fact, it was from October 1, 1961 that the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon became effective. The Federal Republic of Cameroon consisted of the two independent states-West Cameroon (former Southern Cameroon) and East Cameroon (former Republic of Cameroon).The federation lasted only for eleven years (1961 to 1972).
On May 20, 1972 a referendum was conducted and 99.9% of voters favoured the United Republic of Cameroon because President Amadou Ahidjo had argued strongly that, running a federal system was too expensive.
The unitary republic lasted for twelve years and on January 25, 1984 the National Assembly approved a constitutional amendment replacing United Republic of Cameroon with Republic of Cameroon

Before Paul Biya became the second president of Cameroon in November 1982, Anglophones felt cheated and marginalised in the Union, but when Paul Biya assumed office he promised to truly democratise ,and modernise the country and to give all Cameroonians equal opportunities based on competence and merits. Anglophones especially were hopeful. But with the passing of time, their hopes for equal opportunities continue to be dashed, making some of them feel that “secession” could now be the only answer to their worries, thus the formation of SCNC.

Had Paul Biya, a lawyer and political scientist, since considered the worries of Anglophones and started redressing them, or at least met with its leaders to discuss what is today called the Anglophone problem, SCNC might not have emerged? Even with the formation of SCNC if Mr Biya took corrective action in response to their worries, SCNC might have died, naturally.

But the Cameroonian president appears to have adopted a wait-and -see attitude towards the problem, yet claiming that the SCNC is a threat to national unity and peace.

In conclusion, one can say Mr Biya‘s failure to react positively to Anglophones’ worries has given teeth to the SCNC and helped to popularise its cause.
What will Mr. Biya tell the world if the SCNC becomes an armed group, now that it has a government outside Cameroon and branches in many countries?

NB: Article first published by a Canadian- based site MWC News www.mwcnews.net/content/view/28872/26/

Saturday, February 21, 2009

Cameroon:Genesis and Reality of The Anglophone Problem

For the Anglophone Problem to stop, Cameroon must revert to the 1961 Federal Constitution...
*By Chief A.S. NGWANA (pictured)

The Anglophone Problem is real, very important and urgent because it borders on the corporate existence of Cameroon as one country.
The German claim to Cameroon was recognized in the Berlin Conference of November 1884, but when Germany lost the First World War it also lost sovereignty over its African colonies, which by the terms of the Treaty of Versailles came under the ambit of the League of Nations as “Mandated Territories”

By this arrangement Cameroon was divided between France and Britain. The Eastern side went to the French and the Western side to the British. French Cameroon and British Cameroon were separated for nearly 40 years and each absorbed the culture of its colonial master.

East Cameroon became independent on 1st January 1960 and Nigeria to which Southern and Northern Cameroon were attached also gained independence from Britain on 1st October 1960. On 11 February 1961 the UN conducted a plebiscite in Northern and Southern Cameroon to determined whether Cameroonians wanted to be independent by joining the Federal Republic of Nigeria or the Republic of Cameroon.

The results of the plebiscite which should have been counted as one for the whole British territory, were split and counted separately between North and South Cameroon. The north voted to join Nigeria and the South voted to join the Republic of Cameroon. In June 1961, all the leaders of the political parties in Southern Cameroon met in Bamenda to discuss the terms and conditions of reunification.

There were disagreements on several issues, but all agreed unanimously that unification was to be based on Federalism and that Southern Cameroons was to retain all its organs and institutions, its culture and legal systems and its parliamentary system of government. In July 1961 the famous , “Foumban Constitutional Conference met in Foumban to draw up a Constitution for the Federal Republic of Cameroon.

After protracted talks it was finally agreed that reunification would be based on federalism, that the State of Cameroon would promote and strengthen the bi-cultural identity of Cameroon without the French or English culture absorbing the other, and that Southern Cameroon would retain all its organs and institutions.

These terms were then incorporated into the 1961 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon with a proviso in Article 47 making it impossible to unilaterally amend certain Articles of the Constitution without the risk of breaking up the Union. On the 1st of October 1961 the Federal Republic of Cameroon was born. It consisted of two Equal States – the State of East Cameroon (formerly French Cameroon or Republic of Cameroon) and the state of West Cameroon ( formerly British Southern Cameroon or Southern Cameroon.)

From 1961 to 1972 when the Federal Republic of Cameroon existed, there was no ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM. Let us not forget that it was Anglophones who voted to join the Union, and to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon, it was not the Francophones who voted, so the referendum to abolish the Federation should have only been voted by the Anglophones, but the Francophones with their majority in the Union “voted” and dissolved the Federation, the basis of Unification.
In so doing the Ahidjo government unconstitutionally and in breach of the Foumban Accord, abolished the Federal Government and introduced the present Unitary Government. This has created a new problem, a Constitutional problem called the ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM.
The Anglophone problem then started with the abolition of the Federation.
Anglophones who were used to the multiparty system of government suddenly found themselves in a one-party system of government (the “CNU monster ) with its dictatorship and suppression of human rights. East Cameroon-Francophone, oppressive laws and immanency laws, were extended and applied in West Cameroon.
West Cameroonians-Anglophones, were forced to carry “piece”(tax receipts, identity cards, voting cards, driving license etc) victims were arrested and tortured in the newly constructed BMM cells.
West Cameroonians who did not know fear before began to experience fear. Those who did not support the regime or criticize it were arrested, tortured or imprisoned.

By their legal system, a person is presumed guilty until he proves himself not guilty. Civil Servants were summarily dismissed businessmen lost their contracts or import licenses or were crippled by the imposition of unjustifiable taxes. Students were dismissed or had their scholarships withdrawn, journalists arrested and their papers seized or banned.

The whole exercise was planned and implemented by Youande to instill fear into the hearts and minds of West Cameroonians. At the end Youande succeeded. West Cameroonian Judges, who had always been independent and fearless, began to accept dictation from Yaounde. They compromised their consciences, dignity and integrity and miscarried justice. Military Tribunals headed by West Cameroonians jailed innocent persons.

Members of Parliament were appointed and dismissed by Yaounde. Civil servants, Judges, the military and security forces were appointed, promoted, demoted or dismissed according to the whims and caprices of Yaounde. In the absence of justice, fear reigned. Those who suffered most were politicians and journalist.

By 1982 when Ahidjo resigned and appointed Paul Biya, his regime had succeeded in subjecting the whole Cameroon to Fear. East and West Cameroonians, Francophones and Angolphones lived in absolute fear. Democracy was dead.

In 1983, we (Anglophones) launched the Cameroon Democratic Party, our aims were to eradicate fear in the minds of Cameroonians, restore fundamental human rights and the rule of law, fight against corruption, mismanagement, nepotism, and above all, return Cameroon to multiparty democracy.

The ultimate goal was to build a buoyant and prosperous nation. Unfortunately the Biya government which inherited the atrocities of the CNU government of Ahidjo, kept me in exile for six years. Francophones must be told and the world must know that the Anglophone problem is not dying down but is gaining momentum every year. In 1985, Fon gorji Dinka, a former president of the Cameroon Bar, unilaterally declared autonomy for Southern Cameroon. He named the new State Ambasonia.

Dinka is president of Ambasonia in exile. The All Anglophone Conference (AAC1) held in Buea January 3-6, 1993 endorsed a return to the Federal System of government, While the Social Democratic Front (SDF) in its 1994 convention also accepted the Federal System.

On the 29th April to 3rd May 1994, AAC2, met in Bamenda, to discuss the “the road to peaceful self-determination and demand for zero hour” The AAC was transformed into “The Southern Cameroons People’s Conference” (SCPC) and then into the present SCNC “the Southern Cameroon National Conference”
In 1996, Dr. J. N. Foncha and S.T. Mona both of blessed memories, and once Vice-Presidents of Cameroon and retired Anglophone politicians, gave their full support to this struggle and led a delegation to the UN, accompanied by the Chairman of the SCNC, Mr. E.Elad, and prominent men from both North West and South West namely: Ambassadoe Epie of blessed memories, Ambassador Fossung, Mr. Litumbe, Dr. Youngbang, Justice Mbu and Dr. Munzo.

This was a clear indication of a united front and showed the gravity of the situation. In December 1999 Justice Ebong, a Judge of the Cameroon High Court, declared autonomy for Southern Cameroon, named the State “The Republic of Southern Cameroon”.

He was detained without trial for two years and then released Last year, 2008, Mr. Carlson Anyangwe, proclaimed the “Restoration Government of southern Cameroon”, he made himself president and appointed his ministers within and without the country All these people and movements in the Anglophone territory, are only trying to redress a situation which should never have arisen if our Francophone brothers have managed unification in the true spirit of brotherhood.

Instead we have been betrayed by the CNU/CPDM governments headed by our francophone brothers ADHIDJO/BIYA. In bad faith, they have betrayed our trust and confidence, our faith and aspirations for unification.

They have destroyed the basis of unification which is Federalism, they have, using their crooked control of political power marginalized Anglophones to second class citizens and are bent on destroying the Anglophone culture and tradition.

There are many Anglophones who have full mastery of the French language, more than many Fracophones and vice versa. But how can any one in good faith, explain the diabolic maneuvers to make sure that an Anglophone can never be president of Cameroon.

How can any one explain the fact that for 49 years, since independence an Anglophone has never held the important ministry of Finance, Foreign Affairs, Minister of Territorial Administration, defense or Chief Justice of Cameroon? Look at the disproportions, in numbers of Anglophone Generals, Governors, SDOs, Secretary Generals, Chief Executives of Government Corporations and parastatalls

In most of these places Anglophones occupy a second position How can you explain the fact that there is “regional balancing” in schools and universities only when it comes to admissions of francophone students. We did not unify to become second class citizens. Unification was based on Federalism and Equality of Status, on Unity in Diversity, on equality of all Cameroonians.

A Federation is the only way by which any multinational and culturally divers communion, has the opportunity for variation in laws, existences, dispensations, that take account of the motley sensibilities and accordingly concede reasonable autonomy to the constituting units. Cameroon is a multicultural, multiethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious State.

That is why the United Nations gave Southern Cameroon independence on the basis of Federalism. We unified on the understanding that we would operate a Federal System, in which we will live in a mighty, united, economically strong Cameroon Nation; guaranteeing all citizens of every race and religion, inalienable fundamental and civic rights, equal opportunities and respect for the bicultural character of our people.

We therefore condemn any attempts to abolish or absorb, destroy or assimilate, promote or ignore, favor or submerge one culture, as inimical to the unity of Cameroon.

Therefore any person or party or government, who or which condones the marginalization, discrimination or the treatment of Anglophones as second class citizens, is an enemy of our unification.
Anglophones’ interest can only be protected and enhanced in a Federal Government. Our fight, our struggle is not against Francophones as such, but against the oppressive CNU/CPDM governments of AHIDJO/BIYA, governments which have denied us our fundamental rights and frustrated our political, economic and social aspirations;Governments which reduced us to second class citizens, and are hell-bent on keeping us there.

For any democratic dispensation to be successful, there must be an independent body to conduct elections so that the people can choose their rulers or leaders through free, fair and transparent elections by the ballot box.
For the first time when the most important organ of our democracy, (ELECAM), is to be set up, President Paul Biya, knowing fully well that this ELECAM was doomed to fail, because he would not respect the laws setting up ELECAM, he appointed an Anglophone to head it.

The failure of ELECAM would then be blamed on the Anglophones.

Well ELECAM has failed before it starts, Cameroonians as a whole and the International Community have rejected it, as not being a neutral body to conduct free and fair elections. Stop using Anglophones to do the dirty jobs.

For the Anglophone Problem to stop, Cameroon must revert to the 1961 Federal Constitution, or a modified Federal Constitution, which gives the Anglophones autonomy in their own Territory. May God spare Cameroon from chaos.


*Chief A.S. NGWANA is Chairman, Cardinal Democratic Party (CDP) ,an opposition party in Cameroon
His Contact Tel: (237) 3343 1072 Cel: (237) 7775 7173

Thursday, February 19, 2009

Wildlife Conservation Society helps Cameroon create new national park

Park safeguards western lowland gorillas, chimps, elephants and other wildlife

Gorilla population surveys, conducted by the Wildlife Conservation Society, have helped the government of Cameroon create a new national park which will protect more than 600 gorillas, along with other threatened species such as chimpanzees, forest elephants, buffaloes, and bongo.

Called Deng Deng National Park, the new protected area measures approximately 224 square miles (580 square kilometers) in size—approximately the size of the City of Chicago.

The creation of Deng Deng National Park is the result of years of conservation planning, including the first gorilla population surveys in the former forest reserve in 2002 by WCS. Results from the surveys prompted the Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife to list Deng Deng as a priority area for protection, containing the most northern population of western lowland gorillas.

"Deng Deng National Park is a major step toward conserving all of Cameroon's gorilla populations and wildlife," said Dr. Steven E. Sanderson, President and CEO of the Wildlife Conservation Society. "We applaud the government of Cameroon for continuing to be a leader in conservation and for taking this important step to protect this species."

Additional support for the conservation of Deng Deng's biodiversity will come from the French Government, specifically through the French Agency for International Development (AFD). The agency has agreed to provide 735,000 Euros to fund the first phase (a three-year period) of the project, to be jointly implemented by WCS and the Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife.

WCS has had a long history in Cameroon, which began with WCS scientists being appointed technical advisors at Korup National Park in 1988. In partnership with the Cameroon Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife and CAMRAIL (the Cameroon Railways), WCS continues to play a critical role in enforcing regulations that ban transportation of bushmeat or any other wildlife products from remote locations to urban markets by local trains. This effort in part has helped Cameroon uphold its obligations as a member nation of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). In late November of 2008, WCS helped Cameroon to create Takamanda National Park, which now forms part of an important trans-boundary protected area with Nigeria's Cross River National Park and protects the Cross River gorilla.

The western lowland gorilla is the most populous of the four gorilla subspecies. Last year, WCS scientists discovered more than 125,000 western lowland gorillas in the northern Republic of Congo. Other subspecies include: eastern lowland or "Grauer's" gorillas, restricted to eastern Democratic Republic of Congo; mountain gorillas, made famous by Dian Fossey and George Schaller; and Cross River gorillas, which number fewer than 300 individuals along the border region of Cameroon and Nigeria. WCS works to safeguard all four subspecies of gorilla, all of which are classified as "critically endangered" or "endangered" by the IUCN Red List.

Cameroon is one of seven African nations supported by the Congo Basin Forest Partnership (CBFP) and the Central African Regional Program for the Environment (CARPE). The U.S. government acting through the Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has invested more than $60 million in biodiversity conservation in the Congo Basin. Together, this support has augmented funds for great apes conservation in the region through the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service administered Great Apes Conservation Fund. Since 2001, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service has invested more than $13 million for the conservation of gorillas, chimpanzees, and other great apes and has leveraged more than $17 million in private donations and matching funds. The Great Apes Conservation Fund Act, which authorizes this fund, expires in 2010. WCS will continue to educate the U.S. Congress about the need for increased support for great ape conservation in the upcoming months.

In addition, WCS, along with many world partners, is celebrating the United Nation's Year of the Gorilla, which was declared by the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (UNEP/CMS) in December 2008. Partners in the campaign include the Great Apes Survival Partnership (GRASP), the World Association of Zoos and Aquariums (WAZA), in cooperation with the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The Year of the Gorilla is also part of the UN Decade for Education and Sustainable Development.

The Wildlife Conservation Society will be celebrating this special year with awareness activities, including its "Run For The Wild," a 5-kilometer run on the Bronx Zoo grounds.
###
The Wildlife Conservation Society saves wildlife and wild places worldwide. We do so through science, global conservation, education and the management of the world's largest system of urban wildlife parks, led by the flagship Bronx Zoo. Together these activities change attitudes towards nature and help people imagine wildlife and humans living in harmony. WCS is committed to this mission because it is essential to the integrity of life on Earth.

Public release date: 18-Feb-2009
Contact: John Delaney
jdelaney@wcs.org
718-220-3275
Wildlife Conservation Society

Wednesday, February 11, 2009

Cameroon:President Biya’s 43rd National Youth Day Address

The President of the Republic His Excellency Paul BIYA yesterday Tuesday at 8:00 pm addressed the Youths on the occasion of the 43rd Youth Day Celebration on 11 February 2009.
Read his speech below:


My dear young compatriots,Last year at the same time, I urged you to wake up to the fundamental changes taking place in the world, changes which will shape the 21st century, and I encouraged you to prepare yourselves for them, in order to seize the opportunities that were bound to arise.

I however added that the complexity of the phenomenon made it difficult to analyze its trend and predict its effects.I did not realize how right I was.In fact, a few months later, the crisis rocked the global financial system and soon after affected the real economy all over the world.



As I pointed out recently, although we are affected only moderately, it is obvious that we will not be completely spared.Should we for this reason scale down our development objectives and particularly those concerning our youth?I do not believe so.



Indeed, I think that we should transcend the crisis and prepare ourselves for the recovery which will inevitably follow. For you, dear young compatriots, there is no other way out, I repeat, than to acquire the best possible qualification in order to compete.



To meet such demand for education, the State pursued and accelerated the reform of our educational system.Regarding basic education, the resources made available to the ministry have increased significantly. The latter is ranked fourth in terms of budgetary allocations.



It can also be noticed that enrolment rates in nursery and primary schools are rising sharply thanks notably to free education. Also, 5 525 new teachers were recruited, raising the number of teachers on contract to nearly 25 000. Some 1 458 new classrooms were built during the 2008 financial year.Pedagogically, the quality of education has been enhanced through, among others, the development of information and communication technology programmes.



These efforts have resulted in an increase in the rate of success in graduation examination to about 80% while the school repeater rate has dropped significantly.It should also be underscored that private education reform has been completed. It is therefore hoped that more opportunities will henceforth be open to promoters of this sector of education.Concerning secondary education, the remarkable effort already made was pursued.



Let us recall that with CFAF 204 billion, this sector of education has the highest State budget allocation.One of the priorities in this sector was to expand the school map by setting up 155 new schools in all regions, building many classrooms and transforming 46 existing schools in order to increase the number of technical and bilingual high schools.



To improve the educational service quality, 2 000 new teachers from Advanced Teacher Training Colleges were recruited. Ten thousand other teachers benefited from continuing training programmes and 4 000 were inspected. Multimedia resource centres were installed in six new schools while five others voluntarily experimented with the teaching of national languages and cultures.



At the same time, initiatives were taken to develop partnerships with the private sector. Thus, more than 500 teachers were able to undergo internship in enterprises and nearly 500 private schools received subsidies amounting to about CFAF one billion.It should be noted that, in general, results in official examinations are improving.For this year, plans have been made to implement a vast construction and rehabilitation programme particularly in the Bakassi area. Several thousands of teachers and cadres will also be recruited.



Higher education for its part pursued its great transformation methodically. Let me give you a few examples.At the academic level, as planned, lectures effectively started at the Advanced Teacher Training College of the University of Maroua as well as in the faculties of medicine, pharmacy and bio-medical sciences of the Universities of Dschang and Ngaoundere.



Furthermore, studies are under way to open the Higher Institute of the Sahel in the Far North Region.Also noteworthy is the opening of the technology centre of the National Advanced Polytechnic School of Yaoundé I University to provide students from our various universities with professional training in business creation and management. A free trade zone has been launched in the same school.Similarly, the university authorities pursued the consolidation of the Bachelor’s-Master’s-Doctorate system.



It is also important to mention the installation of satellite equipment and servers of two virtual universities at Yaoundé 1, one national and the other sub-regional. Prior to that, the activities of the Information Technology University Centre had been launched.It should also be pointed out that during the year just ended, 16 private higher education institutions were opened, bringing to 73, the number of institutions in this category operating in Cameroon.



Very soon, the Fine Arts Institutes will be opened in the Universities of Douala and Dschang and the Institute of Fisheries Sciences in the economic capital. Regarding infrastructure, it would be tedious to list the numerous facilities that have been completed or under construction in our universities.
These include administrative buildings, laboratories, libraries, amphitheatres, lecture halls.Similarly, important measures have been taken to improve the living conditions of students.
Two University halls of residence are nearing completion at Yaounde 1. Sports complexes are under construction in Douala and Yaounde II as well as University restaurants in several universities.Within the framework of university corporate governance, an agreement was recently signed with a local insurance company.



Over a thousand lecturers and their families are already covered by this health insurance, which includes evacuation abroad where necessary.Lastly, several appointments were recently made at the helm of some universities to consolidate the new university governance.This groundwork in the general domain of education which seeks to ensure equal opportunity for our youth and train various levels of cadre for our country must not make us forget that it is also our duty to prepare them for working and social life and to provide them with moral and civic education as well.
To that end, we need a veritable national youth policy that defines programmes to enable youth to acquire patriotic and democratic values and enter the production system.



The Youth Plan on which there was extensive consultation in 2008 is in line with these objectives. It is now finalized and should be implemented once approved by the government.Mention should also be made of the National Action Plan for Youth Employment which outlines actions to be undertaken to promote youth employment specifically. Prepared in collaboration with the Ministry of Employment, it will require financing of about CFA F 165 billion.
Its implementation should start during the 2009 fiscal year.Concerning precisely the socio-economic integration of the youth, several major actions were undertaken last year. The rural and urban youth support programme, which is intended mostly for youth who are not attending or who have dropped out of school, helped to train over a thousand of them in 17 branches of activity, provided a good number with gainful employment and financed several hundreds of micro-businesses and junior enterprises.



In the long term, these projects should generate thousands of direct or indirect jobs. Similarly, the youth socio-economic integration through the manufacture of sport equipment project has enabled the creation of 16 cooperatives for the production of this type of equipment.



Strategically, it was deemed necessary to study mechanisms likely to mobilize our youth for the development of our country. In this light, the organic instruments of the National Youth Council have been prepared. They should enable the putting in place of this body during the year.Similarly, the instruments to set up and organize the National civic service for participation in Development have been finalized. I attach the utmost importance to this structure which seeks the moral rearmament and social integration of youth. I want to hope that it will see the light of day as soon as possible.



To improve youth guidance for its full participation in development activities, collective brainstorming was undertaken on the role that could be played by associations. In this spirit, there are plans to put in place in 2009, the National Youth and Mass Education Committee which will be responsible for coordinating activities in these two domains.Extra-curricular training has not been sidelined.



The implementation of the programme to construct Multi-purpose Youth Promotion Centres is ongoing. Such centres offer the youth leisure and social integration activities and prepare them to enter working life. The Government’s intention is to provide a centre in each administrative unit.
There are plans to build thirty of them over the next three years.My dear young compatriots,As you can see, the State is making an enormous effort for the youth, be it in the domain of education in the broadest sense or socio- professional integration.

The figures are there to testify. It devotes nearly one-fifth of the national budget to youth-oriented activities in all sectors. That is necessary. That is normal.It would only be normal also that in return for the sacrifices thus made by the Nation, you should be strongly committed to the development of our country.
Beyond your personal ambitions, which by the way are legitimate, you should be asking yourselves what you can do for your country.
In this respect, the knowledge and skills you have acquired will be significant contributions to the implementation of strategic projects that will secure Cameroon’s future.



I want to believe that every one of you will make a point of contributing to the success of this great national endeavour



Happy Youth Day to all!
Long live Cameroonian Youth!
Long live Cameroon!

Monday, February 9, 2009

The Importance of February Eleven to Cameroon

The German claim to Cameroon was recognized in the Berlin Conference of November 1884. When Germany lost the First World War, it also lost sovereignty over its African colonies, which by the terms of the Treaty of Versailles came under the ambit of the League of Nations as “Mandated Territories”
By this arrangement, Cameroon was divided between Britain and France. The Eastern part of the country went to France while the Western part went to Britain. The latter further divided its own territory into two, North and South, ostensibly, for administrative convenience and the northern part, known as Northern Cameroon, was administered as part of Northern Nigeria while Southern Cameroon was administered as part of Eastern Nigeria.

In 1956 the French promulgated a new law , “the loi-cadre.” Under this law 70 parliamentary seats were provided for the new East Cameroon Legislative Assembly (ALCAM).
The same year on 23rd December elections were conducted. On the 9th of May, 1957, The French appointed Andre Mbida who won only 20 seats, the first Prime Minister of Eastern Cameroon, while Ahidjo with 30 seats, was appointed Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Interior.

In 1949 the British introduced the Macpherson Constitution in Nigeria, The New Constitution recognized the right to representation for Southern Cameroon- a clear reversal of the policy of taxation without represent enshrined in the Richards Constitution. This was a result of the agitation by Southern Cameroonians in Nigeria and else where.
Prominent among them were P.M. Kale, P.E.N Malafa, DR. E.L.M.
Endeley, Dr. Victor Anoma Ngu, and Dr. J.N. Foncha.
In 1951 the first ever elections were organized in Southern Cameroons and Dr. E.L.M.Edeley, the Leader of the KNC, was elected ‘Leader of Government Business” and prominent among his members were, Dr. J.N. Foncha, S.T, Muna and A.N. Jua.

Nonetheless for most Southern Cameroonian leaders the 1951 elections and whatever they were worth represented only a test-run. The ultimate political objective was a lot more ambitious than mere representation in the Nigerian Legislature. It was regional autonomy first and secession from Nigeria next.

On January 1 1960, the French gave Independence to East Cameroon and appointed Amadou Ahidjo the first President of the Republic of Cameroon.(no Elections)

On October 1, 1960, the British gave Independence to Nigeria. British North and South Cameroons ceased to be part of Nigeria administratively.

However the wind of change was blowing through Africa and every country wanted Independence. The United Nations was under pressure from many groups to terminate the Trusteeship Agreement and grant the Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration, independence.

“The General Assembly: Recalling: its resolution 1352 (X1V) of 16 October 1959 whereby it decided, inter alia, that a plebiscite in the Southern cameroons be held between 30 September 1960 and March 1961, on the basis of the two alternatives set forth in operative paragraph 2 of the said resolution;” the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner, conducted a plebiscite on February 11, in Northern and Southern Cameroons.
The two alternatives were:
“Do you want to become independent by joining the Republic of Cameroon or by joining the Federal Republic of Nigeria?.”

On 11 February 1961, Southern Cameroonians voted massively to join the Republic of Cameroon. Thus on 11 February 1961, The Anglophone Cameroon, voted overwhelmingly to re-unify with the Francophone Cameroon
The U.N. then resoled that a union of Southern Cameroon with the Republic of Cameroon, should be implemented into a “Federal United Cameroon Republic.
Cameroon is what it is today because of February 11, the most important date in our modern Cameroon, UNIFICATION DAY.
Cameroonians highly appreciate and congratulate the Anglophone founding fathers who made this union possible.

We therefore condemn very strongly any person or party or Government, who or which does not appreciate this great achievement by Anglophone Cameroonians, and tries to marginalize or discriminate or treat Anglophones as second class citizens, as an enemy of our Unity.

May God continue to bless Cameroon.

Chief A.S. Ngwana.

Thursday, February 5, 2009

ELECAM Appointments: Wrong Questions and Wrong Answers!

By Tazoacha Asonganyi in Yaounde.

It is usually said that there are several types of bad scientists, including those that provide the right answers to the wrong question and those that provide the wrong answers to the right question. Much of the debate that followed the appointment of members of the Board of ELECAM has identified many such scientists!

Section 8 (2) of law N°2006/011 of 29 December 2006 creating Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) states that: "Members of the Electoral Board shall be designated from the midst of independent personalities of Cameroonian nationality, reputed for their stature, moral uprightness, intellectual honesty, patriotism, neutrality and impartiality".
Therefore the right question under debate is whether Paul Biya violated the spirit and letter of this article, around which the whole law hinges.

A reputed Magistrate like Hon. Paul Ayah has already clarified the question thus: "the term reputed [in section 8(2) of the law] is of the family of reputation; ... reputation is the opinion the public holds of some person; ... such opinion springs from past and not future perceptions ... resignation from one’s party after appointment cannot retrospectively confer the prerequisite of reputed neutrality that was lacking at the time of appointment...".

Following the appointments, an activist like Hilaire Kamga and many others hurried into the fray, providing answers to the wrong question! Using section 11 of the law which only reiterates section 8(2) by stating incompatibilities, they argued that Paul Biya was within the law in his appointments, since the appointed persons have resigned from their partisan positions!

Others like Gregoire Owona of the Secretariat of the CPDM and a University don, Mouelle Kombi went into recalling the fact that most opposition leaders of today are former members of the CPDM. Whereas the assertion is correct, it had no relevance to the central question under debate!

Further, following the ridiculous ruling of the Administrative Bench of the Supreme Court on the grievances related to the appointments into ELECAM board, another University don Pius Ondoa (in an essay in a local newspaper) used the Colegrove vs Green (1946) and the Baker vs Carr (1962) rulings of the Supreme Court of the USA to sustain the Administrative Bench’s very disturbing argument that the appointment of members of ELECAM is a "political question" and therefore outside the jurisdiction of the judiciary! Bad science indeed! The question is not the authority of Paul Biya to appoint members of the board of ELECAM; it is whether he respected the law in making the appointments!

The "political question" the University don refers to in the USA was about the unfairness and the unconstitutionality of the legislation on the demarcation of electoral boundaries because they unfairly favoured some people or groups at the expense of others; therefore they violated the 14th Amendment principle of the citizen’s "equal voice in his government". In the USA, the court was asked to say whether the law violated the spirit of the constitution; in our case, the court was asked to say whether Paul Biya violated the ELECAM law by appointing certain persons into the Board.

In Colegrove vs Green, the Supreme Court of the USA invoked the "political question" doctrine in a 4-3 decision to dismiss a suit challenging the demarcation of Illinois congressional districts. The ruling ignited a debate on the "political question" in the court system in the USA. In using Justice William J. Brennan to buttress his claims, Ondoa does not seem to know that the Justice held the view that a court cannot promote justice and freedom if the victims of injustice and oppression cannot get into it; that rights explicitly guaranteed in the Constitution have to be judicially enforced; and that there is no guarantee that power at the polls would be made real without Constitutional guarantees of equal participation fully enforced by the courts. For these reasons, he devoted much of his career to making the federal courts of the USA more accessible to ordinary people seeking justice for their grievances.

Ondoa also presents the facts of Baker vs Carr (1962) incorrectly! The 6-2 decision on the case was a reversal of the 1946 Colegrove vs Green decision; it put an end to the judicial passivity that the "political question" represented. Indeed, Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote that the decision (Carr vs Baker) authorizing the federal court to decide challenges to the unfair apportionment legislation "was the most important case of my tenure on the Court". Ondoa does not seem to know that the decision referred to here was written by Justice Brennan! He and fellow sophists have to look for justification for the so-called "political question" somewhere else.

If our courts cannot say what the law is, then we have a naked court system. The question whether Paul Biya violated section 8 (2) of law N°2006/011 of 29 December 2006 creating Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) is still begging for a scientific answer. As famously put by Vaclav Havel, democracy is not a matter of faith, but of guarantees. Our Judiciary has to show that it can guarantee democracy in Cameroon by upholding the rule of law!



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